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Under the Overpass: Anti-Blackness

Under the Overpass focuses on politics, current events, and social commentary from a black, crunchy, granola perspective. Myshell chooses the topics. Michael writes the commentary. The opinions expressed here are solely those of the writer and not endorsed by or its owners.

You have just walked under the overpass and, down here, we’ve been thinking about blackness — not to be confused with black-ish — but they’re sorta related in that play-cousin kinda way.

Black people are everywhere. You would think that ubiquitous presence would remind others that we were the first people on the planet and cause them to give us the dap we deserve. It’s the infrequent Black sighting that begins with “Hey, my primordial sister, thanks for making the rest of us possible!” Instead, Black bodies are too often shot on sight. Reason be damned, weapon unfound, and jury decisions unfounded.

Being Black can be bad for your health.

The socio-economic and political externalities of walking around in a Black body require an extraordinary amount self-care. Or technologies of the self, as Michel Foucault would argue. The process of identifying and implementing strategies to undergird the thing inside us that makes us who we are. Technologies to enliven the spirit. Practices that can build our internal infrastructure in a world performing synchronized explosive demolitions on Black bodies like we’re vacant buildings. Stop me when I start lying.

Encountering blackness makes people lose their minds. Not long ago, I was entering the elevator in the university building where I teach English literature. I was wearing a blazer, carrying a satchel full of graded papers and rocking eyewear thick enough to suggest that I know my way around a book. A middle-aged white women literally moved deep into the corner of the elevator, brought her purse close to her bosom, angled her body to give me the Floyd Mayweather raised shoulder and looked at me like I was Lil Wayne on that syrup.

Her reaction sent my emotions swirling. I recall clearly that I had been having a good day. It was a sunny spring semester which has a way of putting you in a good mood because it’s a signifier that summer break is near. I was feeling good. Then I was not. First, I remember feeling embarrassed. I was embarrassed because my blackness had made this strange woman act so strangely. Her crazy was my fault. My skin had victimized her. Then I caught myself. And got mad. I almost said, “You have NOTHING I want.” But I didn’t. In part, I was silenced by the potential repercussions of exploding my rage on her. In part, I was silenced because I was hurt. I didn’t have my guard up, so her actions hit an emotional chord. A tender one. One that most of us keep well protected as we engage white folk at our jobs, talk to police officers with our hands in full view on the steering wheel, order from the waiter, raise our hands to answer the question in class and clear our throats to speak in meetings. When the white gaze is on us, we feel the weight, potential danger and stress that it brings. That’s why many of us don’t feel comfortable socializing with our white colleagues. Why some of us feel such a rage at any perceived slight. Why we medicate alone on Hennessy, Cognac, and Hendrix Kush. It hurts to have people judge us on sight. Worse when they start firing. It’s painful and tiring walking through the world with a black body when the world is drunk on anti-blackness.

Anti-blackness can be best understood within the framework forwarded by theorist Jared Sexton: In a world structured by the twin axioms of white superiority and black inferiority, of white existence and black non-existence, a world structured by a negative categorical imperative – “above all, don’t be black” [quoting Lewis Gordon] – in this world, the zero degree of transformation is the turn toward blackness, a turn toward the shame, as it were, that “resides in the idea that ‘I am thought of as less than human’” [quoting Tavia Nyong’o].

Although some of us may not use the term anti-blackness in our daily interactions, our daily interactions inform our perfect understanding of the term.

The irony of anti-blackness is that most of us would rather be black (according to my unscientific polling, involving unrepresentative sample sizes comprised of me and other cats over the years). Despite living in an anti-black world, we love us some us. The flavor of our nomenclature. The soul lineage from Al Green to Anthony Hamilton. The articulation of Barbara Christian’s intellect. The through line to Erica R. Edwards. Vorris L. Nunley on a dialectical roll. Allen Iverson’s crossover. It’s extension through Kyrie Irving. The courage of Barbara Lee. The fierceness of Maxine Waters. The hipness of my teenage daughter. The soul of my 2-year-old baby girl who calls Malcolm X, “Uncle X” because he feels so familiar to her on vinyl.

Anti-blackness can kiss our black asses.

The people who are pushing it on the world, and supporting its unsavory regime, aren’t really encountering Black people. They’re encountering the trope of Blackness. Theorist Vorris L. Nunley describes a trope as, “Distinctive concentrations and constellations of dense cultural and experiential energy. Such energy enables certain effects with certain audiences through visual, verbal, written, or gestural performativity. Tropes alter, heighten, and increase constellations of cultural signs.” The woman in the elevator didn’t encounter Michael Datcher, she encountered a constellation of cultural energy that included her stereotypes about Black men. That cultural energy created a heightened affect in her body when she was forced to share an elevator space with the trope of blackness —- in the form of a blazer wearing English professor.

George Zimmerman didn’t encounter Trayvon Martin, a teenage boy with a high-grade point average who was his father’s best friend and had a weakness for Skittles, Zimmerman encountered the trope of blackness.

Officer Darren Wilson didn’t encounter a college-bound teenager with dreams named Michael Brown. He encountered the trope of blackness.

The trope of blackness can kiss our black asses, too. We’re keeping it one-hundred, here, here under overpass.

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Under the Overpass: Activist Burnout

Under the Overpass focuses on politics, current events, and social commentary from a black, crunchy, granola perspective. Myshell chooses the topics. Michael writes the commentary. The opinions expressed here are solely those of the writer and not endorsed by or its owners.

You have just walked under the overpass and, down here, some of the sickest healers, are the sickest healers. Some who do the most work, are the most unwell, most worn out.

When I was an undergraduate at Berkeley, the stimulating mix of brilliant intellectualism and concrete activism spoke to me. Brainy idealism meets pragmatic organizing. This was something I could feel. Be a part of. Believe in.

The campaigns, the rallies, the Big Brother programs, the activist art gave me an arena to put my heart into action. Make love a verb. I learned this from my mentors.

The older activists in our circle were both larger than life and the people who sent me on Blue Mountain Jamaican rum runs to lubricate talk of life and politics. They saw me as a sincere younger colleague. I saw them as a roadmap. They were slowly creating a new life arc for me. Without really trying. They were just living their lives by their convictions. I just happened to be there to watch. My two main mentors were the great poet and activist June Jordan and the legendary literary critic and activist Barbara Christian. Theirs souls are light now as they were when their bodies were alive. It’s emotional to even type their names now. They lived their love for justice out-loud and I listened very closely. Learned. Then began to recite chapter and verse through my own activism.

I can still recall the day that I called my mother after class to inform her that her baby wasn’t gonna have that corner office in the sky. No Brooks Brothers auction block for me. The expletives that left her mouth were a new experience. This Southern woman, of Southern manners, put some Miles Davis in her MFs.

I could not be swayed. I was smitten. Learning about myself and the world had made me want to think for myself about the world and my place in it. I was rolling with the people who wanted to leave the planet better than when they arrived. Folk who wanted to do something to help people help themselves. Activists down for the get down.

It wasn’t just professors Jordan and Christian. Berkeley’s bench went deep. I still have not encountered another squad of committed activists with as many numbers as Berkeley. Although I would stack my undergraduate education against anyone, I actually learned more out of class than I did in class. One cautionary teaching: heal yourself as you help others heal themselves.

It would take more than the digits on my fingers and toes to name the people I personally saw burn out in the beautiful struggle. Good people who got tired of engaging the bad that the world can put out. People exhausted from giving to causes and people who were often indifferent. Or simply didn’t want a bleeding heart cramping their dysfunction. Underpaid activist who were worn down by the crises in their own lives, as they dove head-first into global crises. Organizers who got sick of the misogyny and post-rally booty calls. Community leaders who medicated on alcohol and the praise of others. So many gone when we needed them most.

My college experience convinced me that activists have to work as hard at building our internal infrastructure as we do at building external infrastructures on the planet. We have to make the time to do what Michel Foucault would call engaging in technologies of the self. Find ways to undergird the spirits that place these worker-bee bodies into action. I agree with Foucault that art, culture and the sensorium are edifying technologies, but I would add a heavy dose of some type of consistent spiritual practice (art, culture and sensorium can certainly play a role in spirituality). Spiritual practice in the broadest possible sense: some practice that uplifts the spirit. Daily. Life happens every day, so it behooves activists to have a daily practice. We give so much of ourselves that not to give to ourselves is foolish and irresponsible. For Black activists in particular.

In my life time, this era marks the most challenging time for the African American community. From self-inflicted urban violence to cop propelled bullets to the roll back of civil rights to the prison industrial complex to HIV-infection rates to crack’s stubborn refusal to disappear to failing schools to the rise in suicide rates to Clarence Thomas, Black people are catching major hell. We need all hands on deck. When activists don’t take care of themselves, we let our communities down when they need us most. Like so many before us, we will fall if we don’t build our internal infrastructures daily.

Maybe you need to go back to Jesus. If Jesus is working for you, don’t let your Marxist homies negative-dialectical you out of a healing.

Others need to find something new. Something that wasn’t passed down from their families. The work is in figuring out what it is. Yoga, running, meditation, Tai Chi, Tantric sex, ocean-swimming, art making. Do something. But we first we have to figure out what that something is. And do it. Daily. A beautiful ritual but it doesn’t have to be a beautiful struggle. It can simply be a beautiful healing, here, under the overpass.

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Under the Overpass: Listening and Looking for Our Girls

Under the Overpass focuses on politics, current events, and social commentary from a black, crunchy, granola perspective. Myshell chooses the topics. Michael writes the commentary. The opinions expressed here are solely those of the writer and not endorsed by or its owners.

You have just walked under the overpass and, down here, we are listening and looking for our missing girls. Let me set the context, before we talk about our search.

In the middle of the night on April 15, 2014, more than 200 girls were kidnapped from their school in Chibok, Nigeria. The perpetrators, Boko Haram, are a fundamentalist Islamic group that does not believe girls or women should be educated (Boko Haram roughly translates as “Western education is a sin”). They claim that their interpretation of Sharia Law (their view of a fundamentally strict adherence to Koranic Law). The armed group is trying to spread Sharia Law throughout Nigeria.

The Chibok girls are not the first girls kidnapped. Nor is anti-Western education the only basis for the attacks. According to Human Rights Watch, as reported by Time magazine, the Boko Haram leader Abubakar Shekau claimed in a 2012 video that the abductions were retaliation for detaining women associated with Boko Haram. In the video Shekau says, “Since you are now holding our women, just wait and see what will happen to your own women … to your own wives according to Sharia law.”

Time magazine reported that Human Rights Watch interviewed 12 Chibok girls who escaped from 2012 and 2013 kidnappings. A young girl from Konduga, Nigeria was walking home from school when she and her classmates stopped by militants from Boko Haram. The leader said, “Aha! These are the people we are looking for. So you are the ones with strong heads who insist on attending school when we have said ‘boko’ is ‘haram.’ We will kill you here today.”

The interviews confirmed what many have been suspecting. The girls are being raped, often in the context of forced marriages. Boko Haram doesn’t consider any girl too young for marriage. After a 17-year-old abductee complained that she was too young for marriage, the commander pointed to his own 5-year-old daughter and said, “If she got married last year, and is just waiting till puberty for its consummation, how can you at your age be too young to marry?”

Another girl, who was only 15, was forced to marry a Boko Haram commander after her kidnapping in 2013. “After we were declared married I was ordered to live in his cave but I always managed to avoid him,” the girl told Human Rights Watch. “He soon began to threaten me with a knife to have sex with him, and when I still refused he brought out his gun, warning that he would kill me if I shouted. Then he began to rape me every night. He was a huge man in his mid-30s and I had never had sex before. It was very painful and I cried bitterly because I was bleeding afterwards.”

I’ve got two daughters. This type of bulls@#t —- in the name of God -— is so painful and insulting to human rights and human decency that it can make you want to bring a whole different meaning to “Go Back To Africa.” Go back armed. Makes you wanna bring that gunfire.

American gunfire is what some are calling for to help locate the missing girls and the continued abuse by Boko Haram (at least eight additional girls were kidnapped in May). President Obama deployed a 200 member military and law enforcement regiment to help search for the girls. Though the emotion of the tragedy can make us want to bring violence to meet violence, some Nigerians aren’t in favor of this solution. Nigerian-American activists and writer Jumoke Balogun has been outspoken in her resistance to American military intervention. In her powerful site, Balogun wrote:
Consequently, your calls for the United States to get involved in this crisis undermines the democratic process in Nigeria and co-opts the growing movement against the inept and kleptocratic Jonathan administration. It was Nigerians who took their good for nothing President to task and challenged him to address the plight of the missing girls. It is in their hands to seek justice for these girls and to ensure that the Nigerian government is held accountable. Your emphasis on U.S. action does more harm to the people you are supposedly trying to help and it only expands and sustain U.S. military might.

I agree with Balogun. Military incursions on behalf of the missing girls into Africa simply provides and open door for future military incursions. So what now? Other concerned world citizens have been supporting the #bringbackourgirls movement by posting videos of support and donating money to various agencies that could help the cause.

I think the #bringbackourgirls hashtag movement is important and it shows international compassion. We should continue to use what is available to us to show support. However, I defer to the activists on the ground as to what is the best way to approach the problem. Sometimes, even the most well-meaning of us, get in the way because we want to do it our way without even consulting the folks who we are trying to help. We need to listen more and listen better. Jumoke Balogun’s site has something to say about the what we can do to help the missing Nigerian girls:

If you must do something, learn more about the amazing activists and journalists like this one, this one, and this one just to name a few, who have risked arrests and their lives as they challenge the Nigerian government to do better for its people within the democratic process.  If you must tweet, tweet to support and embolden them, don’t direct your calls to action to the United States government who seeks to only embolden American militarism. Don’t join the American government and military in co-opting this movement started and sustained by Nigerians.

We hear you sister, down here, under the overpass.

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Under The Overpass: The Politics of Social Justice

Under the Overpass focuses on politics, current events, and social commentary from a black, crunchy, granola perspective. Myshell chooses the topics. Michael writes the commentary. The opinions expressed here are solely those of the writer and not endorsed by or its owners.

You have just walked under the overpass and, down here, we’ve been talking badly about Black politicians. Our No Hateration Rule is strictly enforced, so our bad talk is not mean-spirited. We’re naming the bad, not luxuriating in the critique.

We’re disappointed.

We expect more from our paid political leaders, especially when many of our youth are paying big for a world dealing them bad hands and hot bullets. We expect more when Black unemployment is twice the rate of whites (aprox.11.5% to 5.4%). We expect more when, according to the Sentencing Project ( ) one in three black men can expect to be incarcerated in their life time. We expect more when prison guards are raising hundreds of thousands of our young black men—a tragic twist to It Takes A Village.

We expect more when shit is this bad.

Bad community conditions mean politicians can’t be bad too.

Thankfully, we have a great number of community activists who are being good, and doing good. The Dream Defenders, Color of Change, Dignity and Power Now, AGENDA, and Community Coalition are doing vital work. These organizations have a grass roots focus that believes that change happens from the bottom up. It’s an approach that involves ascertaining the needs and desires of the community, and working collectively to manifest those needs and desires. This is a social justice approach. It’s an approach that our political leaders should embrace.

Too often the approach of our political leaders is rooted in getting elected and reelected. If the needs of the community happen to align with getting elected and reelected, it’s all good. This alignment seems to be occurring with less frequency, which may explain why our politicians seem all bad.

In fairness, there are two elements of the political game that can adversely affect a Black politician’s ability to serve the community. Politics is a dirty game and the dirt is green. It takes money to run campaigns, pay for commercials, and pay staff. The money usually comes from people who are outside of our community. Lobbyists paying for access (and hopefully votes) that can lead to increased profit, and individual business owners with the same agenda. When the campaign is over these donors expect some love — and they get it — and it’s not a quickie. Even when the love means an outcome that isn’t necessarily in the best interest of the community.

The other major element that adversely affects Black politicians ability to serve their Black constituents is the “current political protocol.” The protocol is enforced by lobbyists, special interests and “the mood of the country.” This element is best understood via example.

The current political protocol around the apartheid regime in Israel is that politicians don’t call it apartheid, although there is a two-tiered system in place for Jewish people living in Israel and occupied Palestine and non-Jewish people living in Israel and the occupied Palestine.

Despite the Israeli government’s collective punishment of Palestinians by bull dozing homes, destroying farmland, government takeover of Palestinian land, imposing checkpoints on main roads, and building an outdoor prison featuring an electric fence, the current political protocol requires American politicians to “support our special friend Israel” and blame the Palestinians for their oppression at the hands of the state of Israel. This is all bad, but what makes it more awful, is that over 4 billion dollars in US taxpayer money goes to Israel every year to support this badass state of affairs. Black people pay taxes too (except for Wesley Snipes and Xzibit), so our money is also supporting an apartheid regime.

As a people who have suffered an extraordinary amount of state-sponsored oppression (slavery, COINTELPRO, Ronald Reagan, ect,) our interests more naturally align with those of the Palestinian people. Our political leaders, then, should be working to support our interests by calling for the liberation of Palestine and an immediate moratorium on the annual 4 billion dollar Oppression Gift that goes from our pockets to the oppressor. This summer, when the latest incursion into Gaza was killing almost 1000 Palestinians, including scores of civilians, and a shocking number of children, the entire Congressional Black Caucus voted “yea” on a resolution that called the attacks legitimate “self-defense.” To demonstrate the power of the current political protocol surrounding Israel, the infamously divided congress passed the resolution unanimously.

The Congressional Black Caucus used to be called the “Conscience of the Congress,” in part, for their principled resistance to the apartheid regime in South Africa. It’s tragic that the CBC is now supporting apartheid in Israel. Oh, and brother president Barack Hussein Obama, is down with Israeli apartheid too. It’s chilling.

Controlled by money and the current political protocol, our political leaders are making choices that go directly against the interests of large swaths of our community member’s interest. Now what? How do we get our politicians to take positions that support social justice? Let’s talk solutions.

African Americans have to keep up with the issues of the day—and vote. It’s on us to be aware of the types of votes that Black politicians are making as our representatives. This type of information-based civic duty is mandatory, not only for us, but for those who we could inspire to be more up on political game. We have to make sure our barbershop/beauty salon/park rec league hoop sideline/Scandal party conversations also include what’s happening politically. Those in the know, have to be unafraid to steer the conversation towards the real, even when there’s resistance in the room. It’s our Black civic duty.

Secondly, we have to try to find ways to influence the decisions of our politicians. Campaign contributions are the best way, but if your money is short, you’d be amazed at the power of a letter. Organizing letter writing campaigns to the folk who represent you works. They know you’re paying attention—which means that you care enough to be a “likely voter.” Groups of likely voters get call-backs, email-backs and holler-backs from politicians.

Lastly, we have to support the politicians, at any level, who are acting, at least sometimes, like that got some damn sense. Holly Mitchell, Maxine Waters, Barbara Lee and Mark Ridley-Thomas fit this bill. Write them letters when they’re making tough votes. Send them a dub for their campaign. Volunteer at a phone bank. Tell them, “Thank you,” for supporting social justice if you see them at an event. These are small things, but they have a way of reminding our leaders why they got involved in politics in the first place: to make things better for people, here, under the overpass.

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Under the Overpass: High-Tech Hollerin’

You have just walked under the overpass and, down here, we’ve been mourning the loss of a dying art form: hollerin’. To holler or not to holler was a question that froze many a young brother in my Long Beach neighborhood. When a girl, who moved you, came within hollerin’ range, anxiety appeared too. Wing-tipped butterflies emerged. You wanted to honor the feeling of being moved, but didn’t know if you could spit game that could move her too. In the LBC, your hollerin’ would fall on deaf big-hooped ears, if the macking was lacking. I’ve seen sisters laugh in brothers’ faces when verbal approaches lacked verbal dexterity. I’ve also been the laughee.

Although I’m speaking about a Black heteronormative context, I’m sure the art of hollerin’ was valued by Black same-gender lovers as well. Black Long Beach’s appreciation for charismatic wordplay was not proscribed by sexual preference.

The holler or not to holler moment was magic. An acknowledgement of the pre-rational connection between select human beings. The attraction between strangers felt a split-second before it was acknowledged. The chemical reactions given language: I’m feeling you. Chemistry’s embodiment in shared space. A sister’s spiritual presence. And, at times, her large posterior. Have mercy.

In that mystical hollering’ moment, there was a recognition: I’m about holler at my maybe-future-lady. Or not. My fear could let her pass. That’s where anxiety entered. In that shared moment.

The ubiquitous presence of social media dating sites has sounded the death knell for the holler moment. Now, Black folk are more likely to first meet in a tweet than on the street. Hollerin’ just ain’t the same when the character of your mack hand is judged by 140 characters.

On some real talk, all hollerin’ ain’t what it’s cracked up to be. Sometimes the nomenclature used is not clever, respectful or appreciated. And if it is, some sisters simply don’t want any stranger on the street engaging them in unsolicited conversation. Furthermore, the art of hollerin’ can (and often does) easily devolve into trying to talk a sister into bed. A conquest sport. hollerin’ culture can also lead to casual misogyny that, along with being offensive, is destructive to Black loving relationships.

The aforementioned issues may be behind the rise of dating sites like Tinder, OK Cupid, Meet Black Christian Singles and These social media products take away some of the initial anxiety of meeting someone new—and completely eliminates the need to holler in the moment on the corner of 21st & Lewis or 43rd & Degnan.

Tinder is the newest, most innovative and most intriguing of these products. It’s Facebook meets High School Yearbook meets If-you-like-me-mark-the-right-box-note from the 2nd grade—all on your phone. The visually-driven app uses information from your Facebook account and a GPS function to create a world where you “swipe right” on pictures of people (within a given radius) who you hope are swiping right on you. When there’s a mutual right-swipe, the app alerts the members of the match and sets up a textual meet-and-greet. Voila! You’ve reached the hollerin’ moment sans the hollerin’ anxiety. Your thumbs are doing the talking. She’s not gonna laugh in your face, unless you’re wearing a sock puppet on your thumbs.

Since Tinder matches are driven almost exclusively by appearances, the application is notorious for its hook-up potential and reality. It’s been described as a “Booty Call video game.” Call of Duty for skeeters.

Interestingly, the advertisements for Tinder feature quite a few Black folk, but they’re never with each other. This, however, has not stopped Black men from engaging in its gonad gaming function. The implication of brothers on Tinder? Follow me. Think, Change the Game. The NBA with John Havlicek, and after Michael Jordan. Comedy with Bob Hope, and after Richard Pryor. Boxing with Rocky Marciano, and after Muhammad Ali. Dance shows with American Bandstand, and after Soul Train. Twitter. Nuff said.

Gaming brothers have gone HAM swiping for the High Score.

It’s not in me to knock a player’s hustle. It’s not the Underpass way. Instead, I offer this food for thought or thought per swipe: What is the impact of Tinder on the tender-hearted?

At the other end of the spectrum is Meet Black Christian Singles. It allows brothers to holler in the name of Jeez-zuss. It’s an online dating service with an explicit “Christian-motif.” The site has users fill out an extensive questionnaire that purportedly increases the possibility of finding a “soul mate.” The commercials are compelling. They feature testimonials by people looking and sounding like they are very much in love.

Since so many African Americans are churched, Meet Black Christian Singles seems to have a special attraction for Black folk. Being explicitly hetero, it’s where church women go to meet Christian men, and where Christian men go to meet sisters they can spank on Saturday night, and thank the Lord with the same raised hand on Sunday morning. Brothers with gold crosses around their necks and Magnum condoms in their wallets. These are often cats who genuinely want a “good Christian woman”—eventually. They just need to work their way up and down a few pews until they find the right one—and the right one on the side. The drawback: it gives Black “Christian men” a bad name. Women’s faith in the church—and God—can be altered when brothers are running through sisters like undersized safeties on Fox NFL Sunday.

The true tragedy?: Ministers can be the worst. Have mercy. and OK Cupid are the middle ground. can be just what its acronym describes, but unlike Meet Black Christian Singles, it’s more honest about its intentions. You can sign up looking for love or phone calls after 11 PM. Seek to spoon or pull ponytails. Or both (nothing like spooning after some pony tail–pulling). is the closest approximation to macking on the block. The diversity of interests. The realness. A little something for everybody in the neighborhood. A place where “What you need?” is a proposition, affirmation and confession.

OK Cupid is similar but it trends younger. Maybe because it’s a newer service. The users seem more social media savvy. Hook-ups happen here, but so do the occasional Meet Black Christian Singles-like-testimonials.

Taken collectively, these four sites are a reminder of African Americans’ need for connection. Physical, emotional, spiritual and intellectual. We’re seeking ways to see ourselves in other people—and have other people see us. Recognize us and our beauty. In a world bent on showing us we’re not beautiful by shooting us. And our children. We want to be liked and not just with a thumbs up, when our drawers are down. We want someone to feel us. That’s why hollerin’ on 21st and Lewis or 43rd and Degnan is important. Even with its problematic gender dynamics. In the holler moment, you’re feeling someone so deeply that you risk being ridiculed. Risk being the laughee. But you holler anyway. Hoping your maybe-future-lady will holler back, here, under the overpass.

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